Monday, August 9, 2010

And you think Amherst is weird?

And you think Amherst is weird?

As I recently noted, the debate on Amherst’s weirdness or wing-nuttiness (not necessarily the same thing, though the two sets can intersect) continues. Some attack the Select Board for its response to the Arizona election law. Others see the Select Board as the eye of calm and sanity amidst the turbulence of our other elected bodies. But either way, the sentiment persists that we are stranger than other towns.

Really? I found cause to doubt this when I read that a man wearing a Darth Vader mask and cape robbed a bank on Long Island last month. (What kind of a mask—Nixon, maybe?—would one wear while committing a crime in Amherst? I wondered—not that we would do any such thing, of course.)

Actually, I was already thinking about this when attending the June 12 Massachusetts Municipal Association Selectman's meeting with two Amherst colleagues. One of them reported that, in a session she went to, a politician said, “It’s true: I was fired. But I took the high road: everyone else was indicted.” We had a little laugh over this on the drive home from Sturbridge, and that got me to thinking. Another colleague later helpfully began to supply examples of bad behavior by politicians elsewhere in the Commonwealth.  Here's a sample from the Cape Cod Times for only a two-day period about a year ago: Select Board member arrested for drunkenness; Town Manager accused of sexual harassment; school administrator makes accounting error leading to teacher job losses, fakes accident to avoid questioning.  And then, closer to home, there is of course our select board counterpart down the road in Hadley who got nailed for trying to use a complimentary police commissioner badge to get out of a traffic citation. Whoops. This story in turn led to the revelation that there were—well, nobody knows exactly how—many such badges floating around out there.  Double whoops.

Of course, this is all just run-of-the-mill New England scandal, and even then on a small scale. We're not talking Big Dig here (anniversary today!).  Now there was a scandal. I don't think an underworld figure called the "Cheese Man" could flourish in Amherst, unless, perhaps, he dealt in illicit raw-milk Stilton.

This past winter, the biggest scandal here involved a little kerfuffle about the Jones Library (no, not that one: it hadn't broken yet), where hordes of rowdy middle schoolers regularly caused a commotion on Fridays by:
running, blocking access to stacks, yelling, eating and throwing pizza, closing off bathrooms and engaging in inappropriate sexual activity
Thus the Bulletin. The Trustee minutes are a lot funnier. Library staff sought to present the problem as a larger one of social opportunities in the downtown as a whole, requiring town action.  The Trustees took a different tack.  Gruff old Louis Greenbaum proposed "that the Library employ a part time person who will toss the ruffians out, if necessary." (gotta love that: when was the last time you heard someone say, "ruffian," since "Frasier" went off the air?).  Other trustees were busy trying to sew a silk purse out of a sow's ear.  Carol Gray cheerfully declared, "We don’t have to see this as a problem. It can be seen as a Library opportunity since many libraries are struggling to figure out how to draw teens in to the Library and we already have teens coming to the Library.” To prove her point, "Googling resourcefully on her laptop," she came up with lists of other "libraries that had received teens and tweens grants."

In the end, pretty tame stuff--for, meanwhile, down the road in Hadley, police busted a huge prostitution ring. 


Yes, prostitution. Yes, in Hadley, where just this week the big scandal was "Dispute spurs Buffalo Wild Wings closure at mall." It wasn't the the wings that were hot not so long before that.
A Saugus man with chronic back pain was in town in late May of 2009 and wanted a massage. He saw Hadley Massage Therapy at 215 Russell St., and stopped in for treatment.
What the massage therapist attempted to give him, however, was sex, according to court documents.
James Goggin, 41, was outraged when he was touched inappropriately by the masseuse,...
What he prompted police to uncover was part of a "sprawlng criminal enterprise" in which Asian women were often forced to work "against their will, in a sort of modern-day indentured servitude." "Nearly identical operations were underway at six other sites in the Pioneer Valley: in East Longmeadow, Longmeadow, Chicopee, Springfield and West Springfield."

But I’m not concerned only with crime and corruption, I’m really talking about the weird and the surreal. This was the topic I raised in the car on the way home.  Not only are we in Amherst not corrupt, but there has been a lot of weirdness in the neighboring towns of late: I mean, stuff werider than the badge scandal or the prostitution, truly worthy of the famed Amherst police blotter.

In one case, a man wielding a crossbow robbed a Springfield convenience store at 4:30 a.m.  Original, I thought.  But then it turns out this may actually have been a copycat crime: there was a similar case in my native Wisconsin a good 3 years earlier.  (Nothing new under the sun, said Ecclesiastes)

In another, one man threatened another with a Samurai sword at a Route 9 gas station in Hadley. It wasn't even a robbery attempt this time: more like, demanding a favor at swordpoint:
Police have said that Norzelin showed a man a two-foot sword in his car and gave him money to buy him cigarettes. Police said Norzelin threatened to kill the man if he didn’t buy him cigarettes.

The store clerk called 911. Norzelin never got the cigarettes.
The time was 4:25 a.m. I was sensing a pattern.  "WTF?!" I asked myself, and then Alisa. “What is this: medieval crime week? sounds like some parody of a program from the History channel."

A few days later, the good folks down at Channel 22 in Springfield came to the same conclusion.




Amherst is perhaps politically weird. But this other stuff: well, it’s just existentially weird. Maybe it’s just that all normal towns are alike, and all weird towns are weird in their own way.

Come visit us and find out (cultural tourism is good for the clean economic development we are trying to promote). Just watch out for the cannibals.
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Saturday, August 7, 2010

Coming Attractions: this Sunday, on National Geographic, "and Man created Dog"

 Just a heads-up on a new program about the human role in the evolution of the dog.

Here, an excerpt:




It runs Sunday evening at 9 p.m.

More later, perhaps.

New Amherst Select Board Election Slogan? "Vote for Us: We're Not the Wing-Nuttiest!"

All of a sudden, a lot of people here (with obvious exceptions, not to mention residents of the surrounding region) are feeling rather good about the Select Board.  It is a strange and disconcerting feeling.  Not bad—just strange.  (People say that our meetings are boring.  I tell them: "that's the way we like 'em!")

Why this should be the case is something of a mystery.  If I were a mystical or superstitious person, I would posit a new natural law according to which the focus of turmoil and acrimony periodically migrates from one town board or committee to another, a sort of mischievous demonic counterpart to Hegel's famous "world spirit."

That's certainly the way it looks.  The Select Board, in the more distant past often either a site of dissension or subject of scorn and ridicule (sometimes both) has in recent years functioned as a collegial and efficient body.  When I contemplated running for office, all the then-serving members assured me that it was a good group of people who, although not agreeing on everything, got along well with and respected one another. I sensed that at the little ceremony honoring outgoing former Select Board member and Chair Gerry Weiss in March.  When he and current Select Board Chair Stephanie O'Keeffe paid tribute to one another—this, despite their different personalities and political styles—one felt that they really meant it.

Perhaps this is what is behind some recent comments.

Over on Larry Kelley's popular and sometimes rambunctious blog, the famed "anonymous" commenters paid (backhanded) tribute to us twice in the space of a few days.  One said:
It's time to Amherst voters to grasp that the wing-nuttiest board or committee in town right now is not Select Board (not by a long shot), not even School Committee, and not Planning Board. It is, and has been for some time now, our Library Trustees.

Now our library employees are paying the price. It's time to wake up and smell the lunacy.
Another put it this way.
maybe Amherst will wake up. Our school committee/regional school committee is quite dysfunctional. Now our library trustees seem to be equally at each other's throats. Thank goodness for the Select Board which seems oddly content and functional.
Granted, someone else responded to that comment about the Select Board with "LOL." Still, I think "content and functional" is actually a very accurate description. I'll own that.

(Our intrepid School Committee bloggers, Catherine Sanderson and Rick Hood, presumably have their hands full with their own town body, and don't need to comment on ours.)

And just this week, writing more formally and at far greater length in the Amherst Bulletin, former Marks Meadow Principal Michael Greenebaum observes:
Perhaps it is time to think a bit about boards and administration, about governing and managing, and about an etiquette of controversy in the age of the Internet.
We read this week about tension among the Jones Library trustees and the director of the Jones Library. The Amherst School Committee has recently seen itself as policymaker, manager, consultant (and lobbyist) and has positioned itself as antagonistic to the superintendent of schools. And while it now seems like ancient history, it was not that long ago that the Select Board was embroiled in its own epic controversies. This is all relatively new. Amherst had long prided itself on the ethic of volunteerism that permeated both our elected and appointed committees. We had been grateful to our friends and neighbors who undertook the time-consuming and stressful work of governing our town, schools and libraries. And we were relieved to have competent and resourceful managers to administer these three institutions. Until recently boards and managers worked closely together, saw themselves on the same team, as it were. But those days are gone, at least for now.
Continuing, he notes that undeniably fuzzy boundaries between such tasks as governance and management become more dangerous when the Open Meeting law and blogosphere allow or force us to air our differences in public and all the time.

He asks:
I wonder if we can agree about this: When the boards make the news the situation is not healthy. Recently, the School Committee has been publicly taking credit for a series of decisions. Regardless of the decisions themselves, this is bad news. When we read about the library trustees instead of about the libraries, this is bad news. It is worth remarking that, unlike previous years, there is little bad news about the Select Board. This is not because its members always agree with each other; they do not. It is not because the Select Board always agrees with the town manager. It is because the current Select Board and town manager have adhered to an etiquette of controversy. This etiquette has little to do with politeness, with saying "please" or smiling. It has to do with stating clear positions, acknowledging that other positions are held as sincerely as one's own and avoiding sectarianism. Symptoms of trouble are excessive use of "I" and "we," and assertions of authority. We have seen a lot of both recently.
I'm glad he said the answer is not banal or hypocritical "politeness" and "smiling."  "Etiquette of controversy" nicely describes a situation in which we pull no punches but "fight fair" and respect those who do likewise.

I of course wish that all of us on all Town boards and committees could get along better, but one step—I mean: board—at a time.

Anyway, I'll leave it at that. The topic bears on history to the extent that we are talking about the evolution of Amherst politics, but I won't belabor the story.  Too much else to cover.  (And who knows what will happen next?)
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The Arizona Immigration Law: what the Amherst Select Board actually said and did

Now that a judge has granted the federal government’s request for an injunction to stop key portions of the new Arizona immigration law from going into effect last week, it may be time to take a calm look back at what happened in Amherst, which got some people riled up. As it happened, I was the one who ended up presenting the background on the issue at the Select Board meeting on June 7, so I should be able to provide a fairly straightforward overview.

In a nutshell: the Amherst Select Board received two citizen requests, asking the town to take various actions in protest against what they described as the discriminatory measures of the new Arizona state Immigration law. We agreed to endorse a stop to economic dealings with the state, although rejecting the clauses calling for any action above and beyond this.

There is no scientific sampling of opinion. The video interviews that the Springfield Republican posted were generally nuanced and thoughtful.


The talkbacks and other responses in the Daily Hampshire Gazette were in many cases very harsh. Those in the  Republican were both more numerous and overwhelmingly hostile and even nasty, though that may be both because they come from outside the local area and because access to the site (unlike that of the Gazette) is free and does not require a subscription. (This is where the science comes in.)

At any rate, the main charges were:

1) typical Amherst idiocy!
2) bet you stupid people didn’t even read the law!
3) typical Amherst idiocy!

Some representative ones:
And I will make it a point to NOT buy, NOT drive through, NOT recommend any purchase, NOR visit or support your anti-U.S.A. mentality.
UP YOURS.

...wingnuts to the right of me, moonbats to the left, here I am stuck in the middle with who?
This is insane.
Don't these panderers realize what Arizona is going through? ...What do you expect from a place that tries to ban flying the flag.
I can see why Boston, Springfield, and Holyoke are pandering to their Hispanic populations (which this law doesn't even effect), but lily-white Amherst? What's the matter Amherst, Don't want to showed up by the big boys? Hey I'm sure Arizona is really going to miss you pinheads
I don't have to boycott Amherst, nothing there interests me.

You know, I was going to be my usual sarcastic self but I'm so disgusted I literally want to puke. Self righteous, self important, elitist, divisive, American tradition and value loathing hypocrites who are willing to slander and hurt fellow Americans for the temerity of trying to protect their communities against the consequences of mass illegal immigration.

You have to consider the source here...I mean Amherst...? They are a bunch of backwards left over hippies from the sixties. No suprise here, just a bunch of quacks.

I plan to boycott Amherst and the colleges that my 3 were looking at... as if AZ needed business from Amherst! They should be boycotting the illegals here in America, not those trying to stop it, what a @@&$#@ up town!

I feel for the few hard working regular residents of Amherst who have to deal with those self righteous, holier-than-thou clowns on a daily basis. Worse part is that if they vote the moonbats out, they'll only be replaced by other moonbats

Just another meaningless political gesture by guilt-ridden neurotic white people.

Hey! That's what Amherst is all about!
Amherst never fails to demonstrate how stupid the residents really are.

a true embarrassment...Standard uber-liberals that didn't read the law, research the issue or try to empathize.

I don't bother going there anymore because it's just old hippies sniffing their own farts.

These are a scary, no RABID bunch of people, no doubt about that.
hahahahaha reminds me of a Southpark Episode...

If these Bozo's in Amherst would read the Arizona Law, they would discover that Arizona is simply following the (already passed) law of the USA. Sheesh.. I'll have to make it a point not to do any business in Amherst and much more support for Arizona!

Clearly the Select panel approves of the drugs, violence and crime. Throw in a few kidnappings a murders for good measure. According to Amherst these activities are just fine.

Today I will be making my LAST trip to Amherst for the forseable future. The ONLY reason I will be going there is to tell my friends at Adventure Outfitters and the Soup-er-bowl that they will be lossing my business until Amherst's elected officials come down off their high horses.

Why would anything this bunch of idiots does surprise anyone? Remember, this is the place where cop killers and terrorists are put on a pedestal. But if you smoke outdoors they want to lock you up.

F Amherst.....plain and simple.

Ahhh, Amherst, the bastion of liberal fascism here in the North East. How the hell can anybody live in a town where you can't fly the flag except on holidays and that allows the High school to put on the Vagina Monologs and not West Side Story. Skewed liberal policies. Boycott Amherst. Or better yet, send all of Arizona's illegals there.
Many of the critics who said we had not read the law evidently came from towns outside Amherst and had therefore read only the brief account in the newspaper and not seen the meeting on local-access cable television. You can watch the recording and judge for yourself (I invite you to do so), but here, at least, it will be simpler if I just tell you.

The charge that we did not know or read the law is simply false. It rests on two assumptions: that we are lazy and stupid, and that we wouldn’t understand what we read anyway. Now, to assume that a critic has not studied the idea or text that he criticizes is, sadly, often not an unreasonable assumption in political life in general (we can all think of examples), but in this case, it would be wrong. I made a point of circulating the full text of the law as well as a sample of commentary, for and against (see below, at the end of this piece) to members of the Board prior to the meeting. In fact, one can see us referring to the document in the course of the discussion. The corollary assumption is that, if we did read it, we must not have understood it. In the minds of these critics, the measure was simply enforcing existing federal law, so if we opposed it, obviously, we were a pack of loony left America-haters.

the text of SB 1070 at the Select Board
I began by trying to relieve some of the tension with a touch of humor and historical perspective by pointing out that, by some standards, the proverbial Colonial forefathers who came to these shores from Europe centuries ago were also “illegal immigrants,” who were nonetheless allowed to stay.


I observed, as a point of departure: it is self-evident that every nation has the right to determine standards of citizenship and residency, and consequently, to control its borders. That is part of the definition of sovereignty. According to that principle, then, there are by definition "legal" and "illegal" immigrants. No one can argue with that, though that says nothing about what specific sorts of laws we should create in order to regulate immigration.   And for that matter, I added, I was glad to live in a country that people were dying to get into rather than out of.

Turning to the law itself (SB 1070), I noted that it was long—running to some 16 dense pages—and complex, but that the key disagreements could nonetheless be boiled down to a few essential points.

Proponents of the law argued that it was filling a gap left by the central government, and thus merely enforcing existing federal law. The most controversial portions involved the clauses allowing law enforcement officers, "where reasonable suspicion exists that the person is an alien who is unlawfully present in the United States" to make "a reasonable attempt. . . to determine the immigration status of the person."  It sounds harmless enough.  Proponents of the law point to the repeated use of the term, "reasonable," and insist that the measure cannot be unfair because discrimination—including racial profling—is illegal in Arizona and the rest of the nation. Although one argument against the law is that it violates the so-called “supremacy clause” by usurping the rights of the federal government (and it was on these most neutral grounds that the court granted the recent injunction), it was nonetheless the prospect of discrimination that most exercised opponents. They worry that it would in practice be very hard to prevent the slide into profiling: after all, who—a person of what ethnicity or appearance—is most likely to be asked to prove citizenship? The issue is thus not so much that illegals might be caught and punished, and rather, that American citizens or legal aliens who just happen to look foreign might be humiliated by being forced to prove themselves legitimate when Anglo-Americans are subjected to no such test. A subsidiary concern voiced by civil liberties groups was that illegal aliens might be scared not only to report crimes against themselves, but also to report or serve as witnesses involving crimes against others. In other words, the law seemed to risk creating as many problems as it hoped to solve. (Although I did not mention this in my explanation, it is also notable that a number of law enforcement officials—the Chief of Police of Phoenix, among the first—opposed the law as creating an unenforceable goal and impossible burden.)

Polls showed that, although there is considerable national popular support for heightened enforcement of immigration laws, it is precisely over the aforementioned dilemmas that the consensus begins to break down. To be sure, some opponents indulged in inflammatory rhetoric, calling the law racist or even “Nazi.”  That was stupid and inappropriate.  Responsible opponents rejected this language and such extreme analogies, simply arguing that the law was unnecessary and threatened to divide rather than unite the country. They do not deny that there is a problem, but they see the solution in comprehensive national reform of immigration policy, not ad hoc regional measures.

The Select Board deliberated thoughtfully on the measure for far longer than the 25 minutes allotted on the agenda. I should add that this is, to the best of my knowledge, one of the more cautious and restrained Select Boards in recent Amherst history (and much of the public seems to agree; 1, 2, 3). We are well aware of jurisdictional boundaries and the proper limits of our collective powers and voices. Most of us are on record as, in one way or another, evincing considerable skepticism toward actions that register a symbolic but otherwise ineffectual protest against one policy or another that lies far beyond the scope of normal local government. This is what Select Board member Alisa Brewer was referring to when she was quoted as being opposed to “resolutions.”

In the end, we therefore declined to endorse any of the requested actions that went beyond our local control, e.g. urging that the Major League All-Star Game not be held in Arizona. much less, endorsing “the repeal of NAFTA and the decriminalization of certain drugs” in hopes of “making illegal immigration. . . [from Latin America] less necessary and attractive.” (As the discussion unfolded, the petitioner himself therefore withdrew his request for the latter.) We moreover declined to endorse Select Board member Diana Stein’s suggestion that we adopt the more flamboyant language of a California Democratic group that denounced the law and/or its supporters as racist and xenophobic. As I argued, decent people could disagree about the merits of the legislation, and as I did not claim to be able to see into the hearts of opponents and had no desire to accuse anyone of racism, I preferred to restrict our statement to the narrower topic of the law and its possible consequences.

The Select Board unanimously endorsed the slimmed-down resolution. I believe that we thought long and hard and perhaps agonized over how to vote in this case, given our general reluctance in such matters. That we nonetheless voted as one is therefore notable. It should not, however, be seen as a reflection of “just Amherst” or anything of the sort. The call for locales to cease business dealings with Arizona was part of a mainstream nationwide movement of modest protest, not unlike others of recent decades. Many major professional organizations, for example, declined to hold conventions in states that had not endorsed the Equal Rights Amendment, and many also boycotted Arizona when it rejected the holiday commemorating Martin Luther King, Jr. Many of you will have noted how the Phoenix Suns donned jerseys reading, “Los Suns.” In this case, city councils across the country had already debated and endorsed boycotts—among them San Francisco, Los Angeles, Oakland, Boulder, Columbus, Hartford, Boston.

It was at once irritating and amusing to see readers talk of boycotting Amherst as a result of our decision to boycott Arizona. It is of course never pleasant to see strangers attack one’s town or one’s own motives, especially when the charges are baseless and the language vicious. Still, there was a humorous side. Those who threatened to boycott Amherst evidently did not understand that this was part of a national movement, endorsed by perfectly sane people in "normal" communities. Boston Mayor Tom Menino (who, last I checked, was no flaming radical) was a determined supporter of the boycott:
As the City Council passed a resolution urging that Boston cut business ties with Arizona, Menino said it was important to send “a message’’ that the city disagrees with that state’s response to illegal immigration.

“It’s a message saying America is a land of opportunity,’’ he said. “Now there’s one little state out there saying, we don’t want that land of opportunity. We want to be isolationists.’’

Menino added, “To say you’re not welcome in your state to work, that’s wrong. This country was built on immigrants. My grandfather, so many other folks, came to America looking for that hope of a better future.’’
So, my response to that was: if you want to boycott us for our action—fine, but if you’re consistent, you’ll also have to boycott Boston and Hartford. So that means: no more flying in and out of Logan and Bradley airports. No more Boston Red Sox, Celtics, or Bruins games. No more Sam Adams beer.

The point is not to engage in tit-for-tat exchanges, and rather, to demonstrate that our action, though not endorsed by all residents, had a solid and responsible rationale and was hardly lunatic or extreme.

A few weeks later, the Daily Hampshire Gazette and Amherst Bulletin observed:
In recent days, our sister paper, The Daily Hampshire Gazette, published a series of letters that criticize the Select Board for voting to boycott goods and services from Arizona because of a law it enacted. One writer urged "fair-minded Americans" to boycott Amherst itself -- and even named a "very good" Amherst business that will no longer receive his trade.

Anger over the town's stand on Arizona law SB 1070 brings this issue home in a new way. What issue is it? A complicated one, to be sure, that includes many sore places on the body politic.
After reviewing the pros and cons, the editorial concluded:
Supporters of the law say Americans have every right to protect the country from unlawful residents, some of whom we know to be responsible for violence on the border that has claimed the lives of law-enforcement officers. This perspective plays hourly on TV and radio programs.

Some of the letters we've received echo the tone of broadcasts that accuse people like those on the Select Board - "moonbats," one local writer called them - of taking leave of their senses.

It is hard to stomach the fact, though, that the law all but sanctions racial or ethnic profiling. By design, officers will be requesting papers from people with brown skin, not white.

Those who have pushed back, including not just Amherst but members of the Boston City Council, cite a desire to speak out against an erosion of civil rights. They are calling Arizona out for resorting to one of America's least flattering reflexes: a nativist contempt for immigrants.

The resolution Amherst adopted June 7 directs the town manager to make sure no town money is spent on products or services that originate in Arizona. It urges residents to act similarly. These kinds of boycotts are, of course, symbolic. Amherst took a principled stand against a law its leaders believe degrades human rights. Yes, the place it is happening is 2,600 miles away. No, that's not a compelling reason to ignore it.

It was the unanimous view of the Select Board that there is merit in adding the town's name to the list of American communities unhappy with the Arizona law. If the people of Amherst don't want their town's top board to tackle questions like this, they can order up changes at the next town election.

The power of the voting booth is as clear a feature of the political process as the movement that gave rise to the Arizona law. Unlike others, we will not fault Amherst for living in our times - and wanting to engage with them.
As I said at the Select Board meeting, the issue is complex: decent people can disagree about it. I myself have friends on both sides of the issue, and we still speak to one another. Some of us may even share common hopes and fears but disagree on how best to address them. In the end, we all have to live together in the same country.


 * * *
Documents consulted by the Select Board prior to the meeting

original packet

additional documents and opinion pieces that I distributed:

• the full text of the Arizona Law (SB 1070)

• Kris W. Kobach, "Why Arizona Drew a Line," NY Times, 28 April
[defense of the measure—its legality and fairness—by a man who helped to draft it]
• Jonah Goldberg, "Arizona's Ugly But Necessary Immigration Law:  There are many government functions that are unappealing to one extent or another; that is not in itself an argument against them," National Review Online, 28 April
• PEW Research Center:  "Public Supports Arizona Immigration Law: Democrats Divided, But Support Provisions"
• La Raza:  Boycott Intolerance:  "What's Wrong With the Law?"
• American Civil Liberties Union, "Arizona Immigration Law Threatens Civil Rights and Public Safety, Says ACLU"
• Anti-Defamation League:  "ADL Laments Arizona Governer Brewer's Decision to Sign SB 1070 into Law" and "Arizona Law Endangers America's Immigrant Heritage"

* * *

Local press coverage

• Scott Merzbach, "Area campaign gears up vs. Arizona immigration law," Daily Hampshire Gazette, 7 June
• Diane Lederman, "Amherst Arizona boycott resolution approved by Select Board," The Republican, 7 June
•  Scott Merzbach, "Amherst OKs Arizona Boycott," Daily Hampshire Gazette, 8 June [abridged as:]
• Scott Merzbach, "Amherst Boycotts Arizona," Amherst Bulletin, 11 June
• "Amherst's Arizona boycott:  Reactions to the Select Board's resolution [video]," The Republican Newsroom, 11 June

Friday, August 6, 2010

6 August 1930 "Literally Waving the Bloody Shirt": from incitement to commemoration of a lynching

Far more moving and disturbing than all the Hiroshima coverage was a stunning but understated piece on NPR. It told the story behind what it calls "the most iconic photograph of lynching in America":
Eighty years ago, two young African-American men, Thomas Shipp and Abram Smith, were lynched in the town center of Marion, Ind. The night before, on Aug. 6, 1930, they had been arrested and charged with the armed robbery and murder of a white factory worker, Claude Deeter, and the rape of his companion, Mary Ball.

That evening, local police were unable to stop a mob of thousands from breaking into the jail with sledgehammers and crowbars to pull the young men out of their cells and lynch them.

News of the lynching spread across the world. Local photographer Lawrence Beitler took what would become the most iconic photograph of lynching in America. The photograph shows two bodies hanging from a tree surrounded by a crowd of ordinary citizens, including women and children. Thousands of copies were made and sold. The photograph helped inspire the poem and song "Strange Fruit" written by Abel Meeropol — and performed around the world by Billie Holiday.

But there was a third person, 16-year-old James Cameron, who narrowly survived the lynching. (read the rest)
Drawing upon interviews with historian James Madison, Cameron, and eyewitnesses, this 13-minute entry from Radio Diaries is gripping and unforgettable. Listeners will no doubt be impressed to learn how Cameron coped with this tribulation and what he made of his life.  That is as it should be.  But they should also be warned: the striving to find an "uplifting" message in a tale of atrocity is the mark of a philistine.  There should be nothing consoling here.  All the silver linings in the world are as nothing when weighed against the alternative of never having suffered the storm clouds in the first place.

6 August 1945-2010 65 Years Since Hiroshima: history, memory, commemoration

The anniversary of the first use of atomic weapons is always a time for reflections of widely ranging perspectives and quality in the press.

Whether it is mainly a matter of the passing of time or the change of administrations, this was the first year that the US officially took part in the commemorations in Japan, a topic of many press reports and opinion pieces (see the list at the bottom of this post).

In other coverage, the Spiegel's contribution, "Hiroshima Fights to Keep Memory of Nuclear Attack Alive," puts forth the view that not just the outside world, but Hiroshima itself is in danger of forgetting the event, a thesis that seems at once plausible—to the extent that generations change and any event recedes from the lived past into the historical—and exaggerated. It quotes a woman whose grandmother survived the attack:
The exhibits at the museum are very moving, and that is important to Niiyama. "We cannot forget the past," she says. "Of course we must also remember the crimes that were committed by our own military during World War II." Even 65 years after the end of the war, Japan still has a hard time coming to terms with its own history.

It's a problem, however, that isn't exlusive to Japan. Niiyama learned that during a year abroad, when she studied at a college in the United States. "To me, Hiroshima's message is not an indictment, but rather a warning for peace and against the nuclear bomb," she says. "I would have really liked to have told my fellow students in the US a lot about my hometown and its history," she says. But she says people had little interest in those stories.

Niiyama said her experience was that America's telling of history comes through overblown movies like "Pearl Harbor." She says she found there was a lack of any real discussion about the dropping of nuclear bombs in Hiroshima and Nagasaki. "We will probably have to wait an eternity for an objective Hollywood film about the victims of Hiroshima," Niiyama says, sounding a little bitter.
The reporter does not challenge the latter assertion, which certainly seems at odds with my sense of the way that US history education has evolved in the last generation or two. It would at the least have been interesting to pursue the issue, given that Germany has in many ways been so frank in confronting is own wartime past.

Over at Open Democracy, Daniel Bruno Sanz looks at the relation between past and present from a slightly different angle, asking how postwar apocalyptic science fiction influenced our visions of the future, and perhaps explain our fears today:
A spectre is haunting the United States: the spectre of nuclear attack without nuclear war. Al-Qaeda, the Taliban and Iran, Pakistan and North Korea, capable state and shadowy non-state actors contemplate flattening an American city with a device smuggled into the United States at one hundred possible ports of entry. It would have no return address. The scenarios of holocaust are many and multiply with the advance of technology and the information age. What will this lead to? (read the rest)
The piece uses as its main example the film, "Five" (1951; trailer included there).

further reading:

• the 2008 post on this site
• Greg Mitchell, Special Report:  "Atomic Film Coverup:  Key Footage from Hiroshima Buried for Decades," The Nation, 12 August

[updated]
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Tuesday, August 3, 2010

Gratitude to Greenbaum: thanks for service on the Historical Commission and Jones Library Trustees

Tomorrow—well, actually, today by now—will mark the first time in three years that the Amherst Historical Commission meets without the benefit of Louis Greenbaum's presence.  (Because a demolition delay hearing was continued from June—more on that in a future post—we were able to benefit from his presence even after the beginning of the new fiscal year.) This past March, he also declined to stand for a second term as a trustee of the Jones Library.  A double loss, then.

I have known Louis since my arrival in Amherst, because he was my first landlord.  I wasn't sure which term to apply to him here: "retiring" does not fit, for although formally having relinquished his position as a professor of history at the University of Massachusetts, he has never ceased working, and he certainly is not shy about expressing his opinions (many can attest to that).  Louis is nothing if not passionate about history. What is more, the breadth of his knowledge matches his passion. Although trained as a specialist in French history of the Ancien Régime and Revolution (he wrote a book on the former Archbishop-turned-politician Talleyrand), he was also immersed in the history of the American as well as European Enlightenment and had an additional interest in the history of medicine and education on both continents.  As the owner of one of the oldest and most historic houses in Amherst and a consummate connoisseur of early American art and material culture, Louis was a formidable presence in any conversation or debate.  No matter which property was under discussion at the Historical Commission, Louis always seemed to know the history of the structure, its architect, and owners. And woe to him who dared to threaten it with inappropriate modification or—God forbid—demolition.  Trained in the now-lost art of formal rhetoric, Louis could launch into a peroration or jeremiad at the drop of a hat, emitting sentences so polished that they seemed to have come from the pages of a book, and so long that we sometimes feared he would collapse for lack of oxygen. But persist he did, and we were generally the better for it. His presence was a unique one.

We on the Historical Commission offered our informal oral but heartfelt thanks to Louis on the occasion of his last participation in our group. Somehow, though, it never occurred to us to go as far as the Library trustees.  Chair Pat Holland (also a historian by training, I might add) penned a flowery tribute in the form of a formal resolution.  Because it must be seen in its full context and and typographical garb in order to be properly appreciated, I'll simply link to the relevant number of the Trustee minutes and allow you to savor it for yourselves.

What both groups were saying, in their own distinctive ways, was: un grand merci!
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Amherst Museums Win Awards

It's appropriate that the emblem at the top of the web page is Janus, looking both backward and forward, for that's what I have to do here.  When two local museum publications won prestigious awards from the New England Museum Association (NEMA) back in May, I filed away the press release, expecting to use it along with some of the news coverage, but the latter failed to materialize.  Apparently that coverage will come in November, when the awards are actually presented at the conference—something to look forward to.  In the meantime, here is the story.

In a press release dated May 10, NEMA announced
Amherst Museums Win Coveted Publication Awards

     (Arlington, MA) — The New England Museum Association (NEMA) today announced that two Amherst museums have won First Place in its 2010 Publication Award Competition. The Amherst Historical Society and Museum won the "Books, under $ 10" category for its entry entitled, Amherst A to Z, 1759-2009.  The University Gallery at the UMass Fine Arts Center won the "Posters" category for its entry entitled, Warhol poster.
     "This award puts the Amherst History Museum, and the University Gallery in very good company at the top ranks of our region's institutions," said NEMA Executive Director Dan Yaeger in announcing the honor.  "Graphic communication is vital to connecting a museum with its community, so their success with publications reflects their success in overall operations as well."
     The competition this year was especially intense, Yaeger said, with 241 publications from 78 museums entered in 19 different categories.  Competition winners will be recognized and exhibited at the 92nd Annual Amherst A to Z NEMA Conference in Springfield, Massachusetts, November 3-5, 2010. . . .

Amherst A to Z:  Amherst, Massachusetts 1759-2009 was the brainchild of then-Historical Society President Betty Sharpe, who conceived of it as both a contribution to the town's 250th anniversary celebrations and a fundraiser for the museum.  Having come up with the idea, she also volunteered to write the book.  She conducted extensive research, involving  artifacts as well as documents, and in addition consulted with numerous residents about both choice of topics and details. The topics are eclectic in the best sense—surprisingly and instructively diverse rather than merely subjective. To be sure, we learn about famous residents, from Emily Dickinson to Noah Webster, and the expected sites such as Town Hall or events such as the Hurricane of '38, but also about much else: the "Baby Book" kept as a record of deliveries by an early 19th-century physician; the "Cambodian Community" of new Americans here, the "Love Notes" charitable fundraiser of the Amherst Club, the "Renaissance Center" at the University of Massachusetts, the "Tiffany and LaFarge" windows in the Unitarian Universalist Meetinghouse, "Community-Supported Agriculture," the "Zion Chapel" (now Goodwin Memorial AME Zion  Church) and the "Zip Code"—01002—one of the lowest in the nation.

 Few people were better qualified to undertake such a task.  In addition to heading the Historical Society and serving on the Historical Commission, Betty, a specialist in American history and American studies and former Director of Education of the Smithsonian's American History Museum, is the author of the acclaimed In the Shadow of the Dam (Free Press, 2004), on the 1874 Mill River Flood in Haydenville, Massachusetts, the most deadly such American disaster up to that time.

Debbie Sachs Gabor served as the editor, and Mary Zyskowski (www.designmz.com) did the design work.

Amherst A to Z has been selling briskly in local bookstores, especially in the fall and spring, when college students and their parents come and go, often seeking information or souvenirs involving the town. It is available directly from the Museum.


Both the University Gallery and Amherst History Museum are members of Museums10, the consortium of sister organizations in the Upper Pioneer Valley.  Periodically, the group coordinates exhibits around a common theme.  In fall of 2007, it was Books (partial coverage here).  In 2010, it will be food: "Table for 10 The Art, History and Science of Food."


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Monday, August 2, 2010

New Book on Weimar Cinema

Belated congratulations to our Amherst colleague Christian Rogowski on the publication of a new anthology on Weimar film:
THE MANY FACES OF WEIMAR CINEMA:  Rediscovering Germany’s Filmic Legacy (Camden House, June 2010)


EDITED BY CHRISTIAN ROGOWSKI
Traditionally, Weimar cinema has been equated with the work of a handful of auteurist filmmakers and a limited number of canonical films. Often a single, limited phenomenon, “expressionist film,” has been taken as synonymous with the cinema of the entire period. But in recent decades, such reductive assessments have been challenged by developments in film theory and archival research that highlight the tremendous richness and diversity of Weimar cinema. This widening of focus has brought attention to issues such as film as commodity; questions of technology and genre; transnational collaborations and national identity; effects of changes in socioeconomics and gender roles on film spectatorship; and connections between film and other arts and media. Such shifts have been accompanied by archival research that has made a cornucopia of new information available, now augmented by the increased availability of films from the period on DVD. This wealth of new source material calls for a re-evaluation of Weimar cinema that considers the legacies of lesser-known directors and producers, popular genres, experiments of the artistic avant-garde, and nonfiction films, all of which are aspects attended to by the essays in this volume.

CONTRIBUTORS: Ofer Ashkenazi, Jaimey Fisher, Veronika Fuechtner, Joseph Garncarz, Barbara Hales, Anjeana Hans, Richard W. McCormick, Nancy P. Nenno, Elizabeth Otto, Mihaela Petrescu, Theodore F. Rippey, Christian Rogowski, Jill Smith, Philipp Stiasny, Chris Wahl, Cynthia Walk, Valerie Weinstein, Joel Westerdale.

CHRISTIAN ROGOWSKI is Professor of German at Amherst College. 
The individual essays span a broad range of topics  (the publisher's website provides a list).  What I like about this work is that it embodies some of the principles of cultural history in the classic sense as well as insights from the new cultural studies.  There has traditionally been a certain tension between the notion of studying and teaching "the best that has been thought and said in the world" (Matthew Arnold) versus what was typical.  The emphasis periodically shifts in one direction or the other, but this should not be a matter of "an either-or choice." (1, 2) Each can be valid in its way, and we simply need to make clear what we are doing.  To call attention to the films treated here does not necessarily mean that they were "better" than "Caligari" or "Metropolis"—or worse, for that matter.  And in some cases, it really is a matter of apples and oranges; a hygiene film is not a drama, though we may fruitfully compare, say, the representation of gender and sexuality across genres.  Rather, examining these films in this manner tells us something important about production, viewership, the market, technique, and aesthetics in that day.

To take the case of German literature rather than film, a generation of new scholars in the 1970s delved into quotidian and prosaic texts, reportage, and political poetry, thus greatly expanding our view of the literary landscape.  Rare is the terrain containing only an Olympus surrounded by flat desert. At the same time, another stream of critical theory, represented by the great Marxist critic Georg Lukács (d. 1971), certainly no stranger to the political, continued to insist on the uniqueness of the aesthetic as a category.  Both undertakings were salutary, and in recent decades, the results have begun to converge.  Whether we retain, discard, or revise the canon, a study such as this one provides insights into why that canon was formed in the first place, and what assumptions—historically contingent and often unarticulated, as well—went into its formation. In so doing, it should in turn help us to make more explicit the assumptions about our own cultural and aesthetic choices.


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30 July 1863 Abraham Lincoln's Rules of Engagement

I was interested to note that several lists of historical anniversaries chose, among Civil War events for this date, not the well-known Union defeats at the Battle of Richmond and Second Bull Run in 1862, and rather, a military-political decision of the following year.

Both HistoryOrb and POTUS satellite radio chose to mention Abraham Lincoln's so-called "eye for an eye" order.  When the Confederate States began maltreating captured African-Americans from the Union Army—enslaving or even executing them—Lincoln responded with his General Order No. 252:
"It is the duty of every Government to give protection to its citizens, of whatever class, color or condition, and especially to those who are duly organized as soldiers in the public service. The law of nations, and the usages and customs of war, as carried on by civilized powers, permit no distinction as to color in the treatment of prisoners of war as public enemies. To sell or enslave any captured person on account of his color, and for no offense against the laws of war, is a relapse into barbarism, and a crime against the civilization of the age."

"The Government of the United States will give the same protection to all its soldiers, and if the enemy shall sell or enslave any one because of his color, the offense shall be punished by retaliation upon the enemy's prisoners in our possession. It is therefore ordered, that for every soldier of the United States killed in violation of the law, a Rebel soldier shall be executed, and for every one enslaved by the enemy or sold into slavery, a Rebel soldier shall be placed at hard labor on the public works, and continued at such labor until the other shall be released and receive the treatment due to a prisoner of war."
 On August 15, Harpers published the following cartoon:


HarpWeek explains, inter alia:
Lincoln's retaliatory order was difficult to put into practice. After a massacre of black soldiers at Fort Pillow (April 12, 1864), the president and his military advisors decided to punish the Confederates directly responsible, should they be captured, rather than to randomly execute a corresponding number of Confederate prisoners of war. Field commanders near Richmond, Virginia, and Charleston, South Carolina carried out the Union’s only official retaliations. When Confederates forced captured black soldiers to build fortifications in the line of fire, the Union officers made an equal number of Confederate prisoners perform similar work. Thereafter, the Confederates stopped the practice.

The Confederacy’s refusal to acknowledge captured black servicemen as legitimate prisoners of war halted prisoner-of-war exchanges in the summer of 1863. By the end of the year, the Confederacy was willing to discuss returning black soldiers who upon enlistment had been legally free as the Confederacy defined it (i.e., not under the Emancipation Proclamation). That position was not sufficient for top Union officials--President Lincoln, Secretary of War Edwin Stanton, and General Ulysses S. Grant--who remained steadfastly committed to ensuring the equal treatment of Union prisoners of war. Davis and Confederate officials finally relented in January 1865, agreeing to exchange all prisoners. A few thousand prisoners of war, including freed slaves, were exchanged by the Confederacy and Union until the end of the war in April.
What the Harper's website does not mention is that Lincoln came to his policy only after a period of inaction. Abolitionist Frederick Douglass, who viewed black recruitment in the northern war effort as a touchstone of equality, was dismayed that the government was slow in instituting it and even then, did not give the soldiers full equal rights. Concerning the southern threat of retribution, David Blight (now of Yale, formerly our colleague at Amherst College) explains:
The Union government’s apparent lack of response to this harsh treatment angered Douglass even further. In two editorials written sometime in late July, he viciously attacked Lincoln’s silence on Confederate killings of black prisoners, as well as threats of their enslavement. ‘The slaughter of blacks taken as captives,’ wrote an outraged Douglass, ‘seems to affect him [Lincoln] as little as the slaughter of beeves for the use of his army.' Douglass wanted an eye for an eye—one southerner put to death for every black soldier killed as a prisoner of war. Lincoln, like most northern leaders, had little stomach for this kind of retaliation, Douglass suggested, but these threats did not go unanswered. Two weeks after the assault on Fort Wagner in South Carolina (which occurred on July 18, 1863), where many black soldiers of the 54th Massachusetts were slain or captured, Lincoln issued his retaliatory order. 
Be that as it may, I've always regarded the order as one of the most fascinating documents of the era, worthy to stand beside the far better-known Emancipation Proclamation as a milestone in the movement toward racial equality. It is a severe and imposing milestone, to be sure. Indeed, it reminds one of Robespierre’s belief that  "justice, prompt, severe, inflexible" was the order of the day in times of revolution and civil war.  (incidentally, Lincoln's opponents sometimes compared him to Robespierre.)  But at a time when even the 179,000 black Union soldiers were denied equal pay as well as the right to become officers, the order put into practice the principle of full equality by stating that the lives of blacks and whites were of the same value and it demanded that the Confederacy, too, acknowledge this—or pay the price. 

It is therefore interesting to consider, too, the biblical phrase, "an eye for an eye" (literally: an eye under an eye) which, as I often have to point out to students and others (sometimes: ministers), has long been misused to imply instinctive and primitive vengeance or "tit for tat" response.  Derived from several scriptural passages, it in fact is nothing of the sort. Rather, this so-called lex talionis, or law of retaliation (sorry, nothing to do with bloody talons or claws), represented a step up in the scale of moral sensitivity, in three regards.  First, it stood for the principle that the crime must fit and not exceed the punishment. Second, it was never intended to be taken literally, much less, applied in that manner. it was therefore a symbolic representation of the demand for appropriate monetary compensation. (1, 2) Third, as my old friend and medievalist colleague Richard Landes points out, even in this latter regard it was distinctive and unusually advanced in its day in that it was truly egalitarian.  Unlike other ancient and even medieval codes of justice (remember that paragraph on the weregild or wergeld from your high school or college history textbooks?), it provided for equal compensation for all, regardless of social class.  Understood in that context, then, the phrase as applied to Lincoln's order at least reflects the principle of equality that, in the mind of Douglass, it was intended to enforce.

Impossible, for better or worse, to imagine any leader of a major country publicly issuing such an order nowadays, even apart from the fact that Lincoln was acting before all the major international agreements codified and strengthened the customary laws of war (for example, the first Hague Convention dates from 1899, and the first Geneva Convention, on the wounded and the sick, from 1864).

Consider, too, these passages from Francis Lieber's pathbreaking "Instructions for the Government of Armies of the United States in the Field," issued as Lincoln's Order No. 100, 24 April 1863:
Art. 27.
The law of war can no more wholly dispense with retaliation than can the law of nations, of which it is a branch. Yet civilized nations acknowledge retaliation as the sternest feature of war. A reckless enemy often leaves to his opponent no other means of securing himself against the repetition of barbarous outrage
Art. 28.
Retaliation will, therefore, never be resorted to as a measure of mere revenge, but only as a means of protective retribution, and moreover, cautiously and unavoidably; that is to say, retaliation shall only be resorted to after careful inquiry into the real occurrence, and the character of the misdeeds that may demand retribution.

Unjust or inconsiderate retaliation removes the belligerents farther and farther from the mitigating rules of regular war, and by rapid steps leads them nearer to the internecine wars of savages.
Art. 29.
Modern times are distinguished from earlier ages by the existence, at one and the same time, of many nations and great governments related to one another in close intercourse.

Peace is their normal condition; war is the exception. The ultimate object of all modern war is a renewed state of peace.

The more vigorously wars are pursued, the better it is for humanity. Sharp wars are brief.
Art. 30.
Ever since the formation and coexistence of modern nations, and ever since wars have become great national wars, war has come to be acknowledged not to be its own end, but the means to obtain great ends of state, or to consist in defense against wrong; and no conventional restriction of the modes adopted to injure the enemy is any longer admitted; but the law of war imposes many limitations and restrictions on principles of justice, faith, and honor.
Here we see the jurist and philosopher wrestling with the twin facts that humanity imposes new demands upon the makers of war even as war, though seen as exceptional and undesirable, has begun to become total war. In the words of Roza Pati, "this Lieber Code would come to constitute the roots of what was later called humanitarian law," for example with regard to humane treatment of prisoners.

Consider again these lines from Lieber:
Peace is their normal condition; war is the exception. The ultimate object of all modern war is a renewed state of peace.

The more vigorously wars are pursued, the better it is for humanity. Sharp wars are brief.
Almost impossible to imagine any major leader nowadays making that latter statement, either, but it brings home the paradox.  Today, we seem to face the prospect of endless low-intensity warfare.  New forms of war and new rules of engagement lead to new dilemmas concerning the conduct and ends of war, and the rights of soldier and civilian alike.

I am left with the question:  to what extent have we really advanced?  As so often, the dilemmas of Lincoln and his age seem very close to our own.

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